Using Fairclough's Analytical Framework

Hindu and Buddhist rituals herald appointment of 3-year-old living goddess in Nepal

I was looking through articles in the Orlando Times (I thought it'd be interesting to find news that piqued my interest from back home), when I came across a link to "Weird News" that cross-referenced with local, national, and global news. One of the first articles that immediately grabbed my attention was titled "Hindu and Buddhist rituals herald appointment of 3-year-old living Goddess in Nepal." My immediate reaction was one of confusion, and I thought, "why in the world would that be considered 'weird'? If anything, I thought it intriguing and it certainly catered to my personal appreciation for cultural differences--of course, this may be due to the fact that I AM studying Anthropology.  ^_^

At any rate, I read the article and decided to analyze it using the dimensions Fairclough presents. Of course, even without analysis, the article makes for a good, interesting, and enlightening read, but nonetheless, we can apply Fairclough's framework in order to appreciate it for its linguistic merit! 

Before I forget, the article can be accessed through this link: 

 http://www.orlandosentinel.com/news/custom/offbeat/sns-ap-as-nepal-living-goddess,0,2830043.story

Okay...on to the analysis: 

This article is written as a means to inform within the public sphere.

(I was a little unclear as to how to distinguish between presuppositions and representations, as they seem to overlap in some cases (at least in my mind)...but until I can figure it out, I'll just mention both as I see fit)

Representation:

The author does not assume the reader to be familiar with this particular social practice, its ancient traditions and customs, or that there is necessarily a "panel of judges who conduct ancient ceremonies" as part of the appointment process. In fact, he provides this information to readers, and even goes on to include a breakdown of the process, as well as the series of tests the child must undergo before she can be appointed the status of goddess. This includes age, physical imperfections, horoscopse, etc. (I thought horoscope was a fascinating test, because at least in Western society, it doesn't seem to be taken seriously. Because of that fact, horoscope may be fore-grounded more strongly). Certainly, however, the author gives a rich description of the girl's costume and ornamentation, as well as the nature of her lifestyle during her temporary "reign" as goddess. All this description help capture an accurate sense of what it's all like; I think a detailed account of the process is provided here mainly because the intended audience is, in fact, foreigners (such as Americans) who are not acquainted with Hindu and Buddhist religious customs and traditions, nor are familiar with this specific ceremonial process. In this case, it is necessary to include this specific information. The author translates "living goddess" into the native word "kumari", obviously a word we wouldn't know. 

In terms of what the text excludes: the author mentions that the girl is a reincarnation of the Hindu deity "Taleju"--are we to be familiar with this deity and her role within Hinduism? There is also a brief mention of Nepal's recently-abolished monarchy--but why it was abolished and what it was like remain unknown to the reader. (We certainly see how the author has control over what he wishes to omit). Furthermore, the author touches on "international and Nepalese laws on child rights", which is violated by the tradition of appointing a new living goddess.  He brings up these "laws", but we do not necessarily know what they entail. 

Presuppositions:

Presuppositions are certainly a part of intertextuality. As Fairclough mentioned, they serve to establish represented realities as convincing. In a broader context, the article presupposes the social practice of a deeply rooted and historical religious tradition and the rites, rituals, and ceremonies that surround it. 

The author's diction is of primary importance. He mentions "living goddess", which implies readers' assumed understanding that goddesses, as divine beings, transcend human mortality. By inserting this word "living", we get the sense that this so-called goddess reincarnated. Also, it is stated that the girl comes from the "impoverished Shakya goldsmith caste"--but this information is given short shrift. Of course, readers are already assumed to be aware of what the caste system is, but why must she be selected from this particular caste? 

The text is primarily active, but has several instances of passive voice:  "the goddesses are wheeled around on a chariot pulled by devotees" and "she will be worshipped by Hindus and Buddhists."

Nominalization:

Evidence of nominalization is clear, as presented first in the article title: "Hindu and Buddhist rituals..." The author imbues concreteness (personification) upon the abstract concept of "rituals", and it is essentially this word that does the performance; it "heralds." Another example of the above: "tradition violates both international and Nepalese laws on child rights" ("tradition" being the subject and performer of action). 

Fairclough's discussion of summaries, formulations, quotations and reactions can also be applied to this article. A direct quote is given by the girl's father, who expresses both his sorrow and pride for his daughter's newly-attained divine role  (He utilizes a form of "cohesion" discussed by Fairclough). The article summarizes the rituals and ceremonies behind the appointment of the "living goddess", as well as her prescribed role during her instatement as the living goddess.